Startling as was the encounter of the Merrimac and the Monitor, so short time ago, on the waters of Chesapeake Bay, yet more startling are the probable issues of that eventful encounter. Not only did that memorable fight bring to untimely and sudden end the gigantic fleets of great nations, utterly abolishing the boasted superiority which had made a few countries the naval dictators of the world; but it has opened new and pregnant intimations of the coming destinies, which it behooves all to heed and provide for.
Happily our own country, the first to test the availability of armored ships, has not ceased to profit, at once and with energy, by the experience which our dire war has forced. Every few weeks we hear that the Government has ordered a new and fresh supply of iron-clads. It is well. Though we need them not for the termination of our domestic troubles, there is yet much in the looming prospects of international trouble all over the world, to admonish America to be ready to act her part in the possibilities of impending events.
It was a sad and ill portent when England and France—nations so diverse—combined, as they hare done, to rule the world. Sadder yet was their deplorable misconception of our American struggle, when they took advantage of its first outbreak, to do all in their power to crush the American Republic; and, knowing our weakness in an embarrassing civil war, to cripple Russia. But the deeds are done. The peace of the world, and amity of nations are broken. Wise counsels, and a just moderation may arrest and prevent the issue. But when the friendly and peaceable relations of the world are thus arrogantly and wantonly disturbed, it is evident that it must demand the wisest counsels to maintain peace; and most of all, even to secure peace, must every leading nation prepare and be equal, for the worst that may come. We hope, and would labor for peace. But the past cannot be recalled, and we fear, it will not be redressed.
England and France have, within a few weeks been essaying the security and prowess of their new iron-clad fleets on the ocean. The tests, in both cases, have been far from satisfactory. The Warrior and Black Prince, the favorite ships of England, with their 6,000 tonnage and 46 guns, and four and a-half-inch armor, are unprotected for one hundred feet, bow and stern. A good judge has expressed the opinion, “that, as war ships, they are worthless” Their power of endurance in ocean storms has borne poorly the test of trial.
On the 27th of September, sailed from Cherbourg, under the command of Vice-Admiral Renaud, a fleet of five iron-clads—the pride of the French navy. Their voyage was far from satisfactory. Amidst the “terrible” rolling to which they were subjected, the Normandie, so successful in the trial of the previous month of May, was covered with a “continuous sheet of water,” utterly forbidding the use of her artillery, while the boats of all the ships were washed away; and many of the vessels had to enter port promptly to repair damages. Neptune alone was a hard enemy; and it is thought no report will appear of this ominous trial!
From all appearances, America, with its present invaluable experience, and known skill and tact in naval construction and improved ordnance, has, as yet, little to fear from the iron-clads of either England or France. And yet, does it behoove us to keep ready and equal to any emergency; and the wisdom of the Government, in its present energetic preparations, must find a cordial and unhesitating concurrence from every citizen.
But it is not only in the relations of pending and possible complications of nations that this momentous revolution in naval affairs is of importance. What, may we not ask, is to be its ultimate and sure effect upon nations possessing large and remote colonial possessions? It such possessions, in times of war, can be protected only by armies from the parent country, how can such armies be transported in security? Surely not in iron-clad ships, barely sufficient to hold their own, They must needs be forwarded in wooden transports, which will be at the mercy of any single powerful foe. What, for instance, could Great Britain do for the security of her possessions in the East Indies, if in a war, for instance with France, the latter should send a fleet of powerful steamers to India, with arms and munitions, to arouse again the hostility of the natives against their conquerors? With the alliance of France, England could never for a year maintain her power in that distant region.
Again, what can England do for the defense of Australia, in the Antipodes, or Canada, in America, now that her ancient natal power is annihilated, and she can send succor to her remote colonies, only at the imminent hazard of utter destruction, before reaching their destined havens?
These suggestions—so partial—are sufficiently pregnant. The future of the nations is changed in a marked and significant view, by the great naval revolution now in progress. Surely, this no time for the proud and impervious powers that have hitherto ruled in the world, to ignore these momentous warnings. The time may not be distant, when the results forewarned may take their place in coming events. It is enough for Americans to be prepared for all events—all issues. Doing and maintaining justice and right, and equal to their defence and vindication, in any extremity, they may hope, that, come what may, America will do her part, in indication of her own rights and honor, and for the ultimate peace and benefit of the world.
Chicago Daily Tribune, Chicago, IL, November 4, 1863
